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The Understanding of A Quagmire
Can the Vietnam War Ever Make Sense?Previous histories of the war had only left me disgusted and mystified as to how the American rulers could have continuously dug themselves deeper into the quicksand of resisting Vietnamese independence and revolution. For example, George Herring's America's Longest War portrays American involvement not as a product of policy-maker errors or personality quirks, but rather as the logical outgrowth of "containment." Since I was never satisfied with containment's simplistic conception of the breakup of the colonial world, the war always seemed a mysterious product of dark and hidden motives of US policymakers who were ethno-centric, competitive imperial managers incapable of comprehending the commitment to liberation and independence of the Vietnamese people, or of even entertaining the possibility that the USSR was as legitimate as any western nation-state (which were also united by blood and iron) or at least the product of historical forces. William Duiker's Sacred War, documenting the Vietnamese experience of the war, only confirmed my despair over the stupid arrogance of the American ruling class. Ho Chi Minh was so obviously right that only the devil himself could have guided America's hand.
Then I read this book, Olson & Roberts' Where the Domino Fell. The authors don't really offer a new perspective on any of the particulars, but they achieve a balance of all actors that make the whole monstrosity at least seem plausible, the stupidity at least understandable. American oversimplifications find their place in the larger constellation of factors, and the war begins to be comprehensible. Vietnamese nationalism is given its proper context of twenty centuries, showing an Asian sage's sense of time and history that the nouveau-riche kid named "USA" couldn't appreciate. The French are shown for the brutal and greedy colonists they were, first accepting huge US subsidies for their war to keep the Indochina colony, and then assuming the "I told you so" attitude once the Americans adopted the war after Dienbienphu. The American war in Vietnam is shown from the perspective of both sides, which really amounts to showing the many sides --from Diem to the Buddhists to the Khmer in Vietnam, from the hawks to the anti-war movement in the USA, the multiple perspectives are concisely explained in all their mutual relations. Whatever judgements the authors place on the merits of these perspectives, they don't allow their own opinions to eclipse the facts, which are made plain to all who will read. Even the American psychological recovery from the war is covered, with an insightful history of Hollywood Vietnam movies linked to the larger political evolution of these United States.
One problem with the book is the lack of footnotes, obstructing any direct investigation of the quotes and their context. The sources used seem to be all secondary, but there are no claims of original research here. The book is rather the best survey of the war I've seen, complete with a careful bibliographic essay directing the reader towards the right source for any questions provoked by this introductory book. Also included is a useful chronology, glossary, and a few interesting photos. Highly recommended reading!


More than the trail

Personal and Catching(Yes, this is the same review as I've written on another book - however, they are actually one and the same, and I thought this copy deserved it as well.


A rare, honest appraisal by a senior commander

Great for the beginner

Administrators and Their Service : The Sarawak Administrativ

Good book for the Outer Banks area.

State-of-the-Art Vietnam War ScholarshipProfessor Neu's opening essay sets the tone: "The legacy of the Vietnam War is an unending topic." According to Neu, the Vietnam War transformed the U.S. in various ways, including "weakening all of those Cold War assumptions that had crystallized in the late 1940s and guided American leaders through the late 1960s" and "hasten[ing] the decline of the old foreign policy establishment." The war also challenged the "belief in national righteousness and providential destiny." For combat soldiers, according to Neu: "As the war went on, the confusion deepened and old myths dissolved." In World War II, American soldiers "generally had been hailed as liberators;" in Vietnam, the peasantry was wary, if not hostile. Neu implies that this contributed to break downs in discipline, the worst of which occurred in My Lai in 1968, when 400 civilians, including women and children were killed by American troops. In concluding, Neu writes: "Most Americans sensed that the nation had entered a new era after Vietnam, one that was filled with divisions, uncertainties, and moral confusion, both at home and abroad."
The essay written by Brian Balogh. Associate Professor of History at the University of Virginia, examines the war's "domestic legacy." Balogh observes that "Vietnam shattered the myth of American invincibility" and explains: "Innocence and omnipotence lost shattered the perception of American exceptionalism." In discussing "the power of the Vietnam metaphor," Balogh asserts: "Vietnam became the cause of many of America's problems." In Balogh's view, Hollywood's treatment of Vietnam as a metaphor "contributed to the impression that the war was behind everything - or at least everything bad - that was happening to America." According to Balogh: "The war and the movement against it seemed to devour every other concern." Balogh concludes: "Metaphors are bad for history" because they are "emotional shorthand that obscures complex causal relationships."
George Herring, Professor of History at the University of Kentucky, focuses on the Vietnam War's "profound impact on a once-proud U.S. military establishment." Herring quotes an expert on military affairs that, as early as 1971, there was "a state of approaching collapse." According to Herring, the symptoms included "the hippie-like appearance of GIs in the field," rising AWOL and desertion rates, an "epidemic of 'fragging' incidents," skyrocketing drug abuse, and mounting racial tensions. The reason, according to Herring was that "servicemen brought with them to Vietnam and other military posts the drug problems and racial tensions that wracked the United States," but he also acknowledges, as any honest critic must, that: "The way the war was fought contributed decisively to the military breakdown." One study blamed "the managerial revolution instituted at the Pentagon by Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara" for the services' "focus on what could be quantified rather than the more abstract and elusive concept of leadership." According to Herring: "Within ten years of the fall of Saigon, a full-scale military resurgence was under way, and, by the mid-1980s, "the military had rebuilt itself...[but] fears of another Vietnam still haunted its leaders." In particular, in Herring's view, "senior military leaders "brought from Vietnam a keen sense of the limits of public tolerance for a protracted war." Herring writes, that the Persian Gulf War was "more about Vietnam than about Kuwait, oil, and Iraq." According to Herring: "The nation's smashing and stunningly easy victory in the Persian Gulf War seemed for many Americans - military and civilian - a long-awaited vindication." Herring concludes: "The legacy of Vietnam for the military has thus been enormous."
Utilizing Vietnamese-language sources, Robert Brigham, Associate Professor of History at Vassar College, writes about politics in postwar Vietnam. According to Brigham, the Vietnamese Communist Party created "national heroes out of those who sacrificed for the revolution," and the "pantheon of champions" included Ho Chi Minh and Vo Nguyen Giap. At the same time, a new constitution was adopted in 1980, which created a Council of State, and, according to Brigham, this "institutionalized the [Vietnamese Communist Party's] commitment to shared power." (Brigham quotes an editor that, "[d]uring the tension of the war all decision-making was concentrated in the hands of a few men and they had become over-confident.") According to Brigham's, post-war Vietnamese society has treated the war leaders as revolutionary heroes, but their methods of governing have been dramatically altered.
Robert McNamara is the only non-academic contributor to this volume, but his perspective is worthwhile. For instance, one of his conclusions is that the "United States should never apply its economic, political, or military power other than in a multilateral context," except in the event of a "direct threat to the security" of the U.S. McNamara explains that this is the "lesson we should have learned in Vietnam: external military force has only a limited capacity to facilitate the process of nation building." I found McNamara's wide-ranging essay intelligent and well-meaning, but it addressed issues beyond Vietnam, and I suspect that some readers will join McNamara's critics (and there remain many of them) in holding that anything he has to say, except in abject apology for being the architect of U.S. Vietnam policy, is not welcomed.
These essays are selective, addressing only some of the important historical issues emanating from the Vietnam War, but the perspectives offered by Neu, Balogh, and Herring, in particular, add substance to the ongoing debate. Together, they demonstrate that the legacies of this conflict are many and complex, both in the United States and Vietnam.


Smooth moving, interesting & very informative.

Solid piece of workA 30 page description and discussion of the anatomy of ten species of woods of SE-Greenland, illustrated with one map and 23 half-tone figures (good quality reproductions). A solid piece of work, but limited in scope, mainly because Greenland does not have much in the way of trees. Likely to be of some value for those interested in ecological wood anatomy.
The content of the novel itself was entertaining and much is to be learned from the book. Its chronological style of narrating the war provided for increasing clarity and understanding for those unfamiliar with this topic, especially with the brief overview of Vietnam's past. The authors skillfully interweaves the present with the past, always explaining the Vietminh's behaviors, actions, or decisions with supporting facts from past history. Also noteworthy was the method of introducing significant people in the war. A short background was always provided so as to make the readers feel they really know these individuals. This method was helpful on clearing up the perplexity of so many names because the authors provided more details on the important ones. Additionally, this book facilitated an understanding of the military aspects of the war, with all the different operations and battle sites. A concise definition was given to each type of military action, followed by an explanation, opposing views, all supported by facts from the past or experience. Not only does this book depend on political explanations, but culture and religion were not to be ignored. This book presented a well-rounded account of the Vietnam with credible supporting statements.
Not only does the war have a historical meaning for me but a cultural and family meaning as well. All my childhood, my parents have enjoyed recounting their version of the war every chance they get. The communists were the bad guys and America was the good guy, and that was all there was to it. Their simple grasp of the conflict influenced the way I read the book in the beginning. However, by the time I reached the end, having understood my own meaning of the war, my opinions have changed greatly. The communists were not just ruthless murderers as I have always depicted, but fierce nationalists who wanted the best for their country, which they had believed was reunification and socialism. They suffered greater casualties than Americans or French, yet they held on and endured the pain for a cause they believed was the right path for their country, whom they loved just as much as any South Vietnamese. This quality in them makes them admirable, and the hate associated with their name slowly disinegrates. Moreover, the Americans are not the angelic fighters of evil as they were also portrayed. They first fought for the prospect of preventing the next domino from falling, clearly outlined in former President Truman's domino theory. Yet, by the end of the war, not a single American knew what America was in the war for. It became a game of politics, as opposing politicians fought for the approval of the public and against each other. Four presidents have presided over the war and, with the exception of Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, and Ford could have pulled out at any time. Nonetheless, they placed their political careers ahead of the lives of thousands and refused to be a president who lost a war. Pressures from the American people caused them to make irrational decisions and lie to the public. One extreme was complete withdrawal from Vietnam, while the other consisted of full-scale military operations and bombing. The problem was, most of the time, the presidents chose the middle road. This was poor since they needed to formulate a definite stance. The wavering and ambiguity caused the public to lose sight of the cause of the war. Corruption ran increasingly high, not only in the presidencies, but also in the officers who ran the war in Vietnam. The My Lai incident is one of many such occurences, where only one officer was brought to trial for what hundreds participated in. From my perspective, neither the communists or the Americans are the bad guys, but simply two opposing sides that wish to win over this conflict. The war happened because neither side refused to back down and both inherited stubborn leaders who would not negotiate. Reading an unbiased account of the war has cleared up the few misconceptions I held.
In conclusion, the book held great value in my eyes. Not only did it drastically increase my understanding of the conflict, but also it enhanced my interest in this subject matter. It is no longer just a part of my parents' past, but a part of history of the country that I live in. It reasons today's foreign policy and gives me a glimpse of the world of politics. I recommend this book to anybody interested in the Vietnam War, because after reading this book, the level of awareness will be improved. This recommendation does not apply to those only vaguely interested since this book contains an extension to what the reader should already know and helps them to understand what they themselves are trying to. It would not serve greatly as an introduction to the Vietnam War, but those people should try to first read a book not as complicated. On the whole, I have enjoyed reading the book and feel that my intellectual curiosity has been sparked.